But the right has its own, more direct history of conspiracy theories – for example, Joe McCarthy’s argument that the Communists controlled factors of the United States government and the John Birch Association emphasized that the greatest threat to the United States from Communists and their scams inside the White House, the media, religious institutions and higher education.
The difference is that the Republican Party has now brought conspiracy theories into the mainstream, broadening their reach. At one point, even hard-line conservatives rejected such theories: Barry Goldwater, while running the White House in 1964, deny the allegation that Chief Justice Earl Warren is a Communist or that enemy spies are taking control of recent administrative offices.
Today is not so. Election denialism, the growth of QAnon (Mr Is called believers “those who love our country”), the belief that a Conspiracy of the global elite are stealing the assets of the American people to fuel Trump’s followers, and a large number of voters conclude that catastrophic steps are needed. Social media and partisan news outlets accelerated the spread of these ideas, but they did not create them.
Historically, white supremacy – often a companion of conspiracy theories – has been one of the biggest drivers of right-wing political violence. Jim Crow law in the South after reconstruction, Resistance for civil rights, and the view that African Americans less than equal (and by some accounts degrading) erected the architecture that made continued violence against them possible. With the racism coming from Mr. Trump for years (“Good people,” “Chinese virus”, four female congressmen of color right “come back” to their country, the Jews are better “Action Together”), it is not surprising that violence in Charlottesville and in the Capitol was spread with a combination of admiration for the former president and white substitution theory (fear that immigrants of color will replace whites).
Republican leaders, such as Gerald Ford, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, Bob Dole and even President Bush – although they wooed white voters who opposed civil rights – rarely tolerated the first. Public extremism and conspiracy theories are often put forward to rhetoric between Trump-supporting candidates. In this respect, what it means to be a conservative has changed, and so has the political violence that has come with it.
The attack on the Pelosis home in San Francisco happened less than two weeks before the midterm elections. Republicans appear poised to occupy at least one congressional chamber. The scores of this year’s Republican candidates are running on a foundation built in part on the lie of refusing to vote. At least 10 joined during a demonstration on January 6 or near the Capitol that day. Republicans who have spread conspiracy theories and refuse to condemn the January 6 violence in meaningful ways will face little if any political consequences.
Until it becomes politically costly to accept marginalized ideas and language and individuals, and until a range of cultural democratic norms – including the transfer of rights Peaceful force and healthy tolerance for ideological differences – restored, we can expect those inspirational political battles to gain rhetorical power. We may be entering an even worse phase in which assaults on legislators and their families become the norm, and the “apostles” of violence and bigotry win. power.
